Akhbar al-Youm Today's News Azmi Bishara and the Arab Thinker's Situation New Source – The New Arab with the Details of the News Azmi Bishara and the Arab Thinker's Situation:
Azmi Bishara is well-known in Europe politically, parliamentary and academic, before settling in Doha. His fame grew after the establishment of the Arab Center for Research and Studies, the Doha Institute for Postgraduate Education, several journals and management of intellectual and political seminars. . Prior to the dialogue with Le Monde, he did not respond to the press interviews, but Palestinian and Arab problems arose and called him. The thought here includes political risks (the century and the talk of the conversion of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel) and the emergence of populist right-wing politics in the developed world, rejection of the rights of the poor classes and the rights of people, especially the Palestinian rights. At the same time, the West supports dictatorships and tyranny in the Arab world and elsewhere, which requires an intellectual confrontation. As a dialogue for Europeans, it is a message from a well-known thinker. It denies the superpower's policy in marginalizing the Palestinian cause, supporting dictatorships and abandoning regimes. , As he referred to by criticizing US President Barack Obama's policy against Syria and the Arab revolutions.
Azmi Bishara controls money for both the Hamas and Fatah movements, which control the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. This requires a re-activation of PLO, the restoration of the Palestinian people's political role and pressure on these two organizations to end the division. The situation in Palestine demands that Fatah and Hamas be circumvented in favor of new moves and a new organization that represents the new stage in which the situation has stabilized following the Oslo agreement and after the major decline of all components of the PLO.
The Arab world and the secularization of Islamists
Azmi's vision is the gospel of the European and American vision of "the priority of stability in the Middle East" – support for dictatorial and sectarian regimes, human sacrifices and their revolutions. if
|"The problem with Bishara is in full support for the Arab revolution and this is a problem that has really eliminated all regimes"|
The function of dialogue is to refer to this issue, ie to reveal Western policy areas, thereby determining the decline of liberties and democracy, not only in the Arab world but also in Europe and America itself. He criticizes West's Eastern Vision as a sectarian in his composition, and that the sectarian struggle (Sunni and Shia) is not new. It is always present in its composition. Azmi Bishara answers saying: "It is sectarianism that produces sects, not the contrary." Who reproduces sectarianism and sects, and that it is the present that reproduces these sects, and thus regimes supported by the West to settle again, produce sectarianism, the cause of these conflicts and the politicization of identities.
The conversations Benjman Bart tried to refer to Bishar's role in Arab politics, especially revolutions, and the response focused on the intellectual role in politics. Thus, the thinker can not relate the thought to the thought. The meaning of the thought and its impact is related to the trained person's specific care. Human supervision of the centers and media institutions is support within the framework of the political and revolutionary struggle. This is something that all concerned about revolutions and changes in the Arab world. (Damage in the role of Azmi Bishara) in all this?
The problem with Azmi Bishara is his full support for the revolutions. This is a question that has really eliminated all regimes. Is it an Arab regime that did not shake the revolutions and rushed to implement the weak forms of reforms then? It happened in all countries where there were no revolutions. A special relationship between Beshara (intellectual intellectuals of the revolution), described in the portrait and the "Muslim Brotherhood," as if they are the production of them, and that the only one who requires involvement in political action. The Muslim Brotherhood is an old organization in the Arab world and regardless of the debate that does not hinder how the establishment and employment and this group's history and its branches in all Arab countries and others, there is a serious and unconfirmed discussion about how to participate in political life , especially after 2011, it is about changing their attitude and opinions about the concept of religious state or what establishes it, and to follow the concept of a modern state based on citizenship and human rights, that is, the state which deviates completely from politics, but while ensuring political participation of all political forces, Azmi Bishara Nasso published this. Many discuss this issue and the need to separate the trial from the political, that is, to become a "democratic act" of the Muslim Brotherhood and get rid of every brotherhood in the state and Ttenha and become a political party. This question is referred to in the media after political Islam, to be taught in politics and to have full choices in religious matters, faith and others, but also to guarantee the second freedom in faith, unfaithfulness, agnosticism and others.
There is more than one question where the conversations attempted to know Azmi Bisharas position in the case of a state
|"Careful security control of all activities related to universities, research, publishing and culture in the Arab world"|
Qatar and did not betray the man, his answer was that he is a guest, exile, and will not revolutionize a stable country, but also said the need to carry out several reforms. In addition, he asked if the Qatar people were to be shown. His answer was clear and precise: he would definitely support him, that is, he would stand with the Qatari people as he did with the other Arabs. Here we ask: Have the revolutions been artificially or have they occurred for objective reasons? The question is just here: how will a revolution arise from nothing in Qatar? This is a rudimentary debate, which only means from the evil gate and the flawless plots.
"I prefer the reforms to the revolution, it is the safest," says Azmi Bishara. This is followed by revolutions that lead to tyranny. If the reformist path is preferable, the long way to solve problems, does it also reflect the attitude of the people, the pain of silent complaints, as if life with death, so deepened with extreme devastation, exploded in 2011? And what should the thinker do? There are two options: standing with regimes or with people. Azmi Bishara simply chose the revolutionary boss for regimes and the achievement of democracy and all goals that enable a modern transition of the Arab countries.
"The revolutions have planted change seeds, and the change will be through reforms, revolution, economic crisis or war, and the options will be done, and it will be less naive." So, Bishara says if reality does not return to 2011, and he did not explain the reasons for this because of the technical aspect of the dialogue but the number of reasons mentioned above. If revolutions are to be renewed, the regimes that continue them and the interests of people will disappear again. This idea leads the reader to go to a big mistake where many authors fall, and they share the spirit of defeat and say it ended forever (the hard winter, the fall of the revolution, the victory of the counter-revolution). Yes, the revolutions did not win and they achieved the great goals they wanted (democracy, social justice and public freedoms). But the regimes failed and could no longer carry out major reforms, and their (economic) crises would inevitably reproduce the revolutions. In this context, neoliberal politicians, which were the basis of the revolutions, could be called destruction of industry and agriculture. This resulted in a large mass of unemployed, the decline in the middle class and their economic and social status. If "seeds of change" are planted, people will not silence again and for a long time.
He did not live in Syria and tried to restore ties between Palestinians before his final settlement in Qatar
|"Bishara: Our opposition lacks a" democratic culture "|
The occupied territories of 1948 and the Arabs of the other Arab countries. This act was a crime against Israeli and Arab covenants at the same time. Israel prevents this, and the regulations prevent this, and the reason is the same argument, that is, to deal with the enemy. In any event, Bishara estimates what he has planned for Qatar, as he has promised a culture and media kingdom, not just platforms. If the media view is determined in support of the revolutions and the dismantling of the problems of Arab reality, especially the Syrian, the cultural aspect is the basis. Any consideration about the status of Arabic University, and comparing it with a gospel of cultural work, will be in favor of the Institute for Studies and others. Qatar will benefit from the reputation of man and everything that he builds on his territory, but the question is where cultural projects allowed intellectuals in our Arab world? It may be related to the absence of cultural memories, but the foundation is first linked to tyranny and to prevent this tyranny from any cultural and educational projects that can wreck the Arab reality. Before it produces Arabic minds that can do it. Here is the crucial issue. How do we shape the minds of modern methods, visions and policies, and help to give young people opportunities to be thinkers, researchers, analysts and in all areas?
There are no serious Arab research centers, and certainly our universities, especially in humanity and literature, are not taken on this issue, and every creative and thinker and analyst graduated from what it was related to him, his efforts and potential. I remember that the Syrian government did not tolerate a project initiated by Sadiq Jalal al-Azm in the mid 1990's. It was about establishing culture weeks at Damascus University. The project was closed. Essam al-Zayyim's role, one of the most important Arabic senses in the economy, was also marginalized. How was it about him, marginalization and accusation of corruption!
Culture, education and literature are areas that require much care, support and funding; workers in these areas need a lot of time to renew, which is ignored. Budgets for culture and education are the lowest among other budgets. . As such, Azmi Bishara has the right to say that Qatar has given him a good opportunity for cultural, educational and scientific work.
Criticism and thought
The image of criticism in Arabic thought and the Arabian mind itself leads to saying that the same thought in a trial, not just criticism, why does the thinker criticize, and why the criticism comes in the most gratifying and joyful of the other? Why not criticize the text and references first and the historical context where it was found others.
|"How can we reproduce a national Arab project, and it's not hostile to the rest of the nationalities?"|
In other words, why is criticism not first and secondly critical? Perhaps there is a relationship between criticism and democracy, when it is obvious, breaking the mind away from many obstacles, it sees the thought in all its currents as it is and without any connection to Vitisis's political position. Thus, the thought becomes independent and capable of knowledge production, and also by politics. But in a free and conversational way, away from the spirit of rejection and trust, our universities are similar to the Arab authorities, such as later despotism, as well as universities, there is no room for freedom of mind and research and thinking and questioning. There is also a thought in Arab communities, where the thought of the other is absent, and only one parish participates in obedience, each is a parish, not a citizen, and equal to the other.
Revolutions were a great opportunity to learn, think, to recognize the other, the regimes suppressed hard, but they failed as above. Thus, there are regimes that have failed and accumulated experiences in the minds of the people and will exceed the mentality of resistance, not just regimes. Our resistance, as Azmi Bishara says, lacks a "democratic culture". It will certainly change, the Arabs are becoming increasingly complicated. In stability, but there will be revolutions, not just rebel here and there.
Criticism should now focus on decommissioning the 2011 reality of the revolution, why it has not won, paying particular attention to the Arab social structure and the Arab authorities crisis and the theory of the forthcoming revolutions. The reality, its interpretation and its perspective will contribute to the spread of new visions, ideas and politics. : How can the state be secular, non-religious, and how Islamic and non-Islamic political parties are religious rather than religious, how can a national Arab project be produced, non-hostile to other nationalities? Revolutions are both national and national. In addition to how the Arabs are part of the globalized world, not a break with it, despite the importance of cutting for national progress, and including the establishment of an equal relationship, not retreat, isolation and degeneration. In addition to the previous political aspect, it is necessary to carefully investigate the conditions for the economies, the world and the Arab world, how can non-dependent and equal relationships be established with developed economies, is it possible and can the experiences from South Korea and China and others be repeated? The dependence and motivation for industry and the general development of our societies.
The last thought in this article is criticism of the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (ACSRM) and its analysis of the latest developments in the Arab world. This is a real difference to the cultural and mediocre situations that were formed and managed by Azmi Bishara since 2007.
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