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Cristina and the video of Florencia: an extreme feature on the court

Cristina Fernández de Kirchner he has just made an extreme game and uncertain final effects. Perhaps this last part of itself is part of the move: in those hours, from their surroundings, doubts arise about the presidential candidate. If the goal was to protect his daughter Florencia, it seems clear that the effect is the opposite: he placed it under the national focus in the midst of his sensitive legal framework. On the other hand, the video he spread before traveling to Cuba seemed to be adjusted to what would be the central goal, that is, a political piece and a strong link in the strategy to discredit the causes of corruption.

The same husband in the video talks about a draft decision. It has editing, not high complexity but neat. The sound is responsible for the former president, with subtitles and while running pictures of the family and social life of Florencia Kirchner. They are almost five minutes where he talks about the health of his daughter-in-law, later crossed the reference to lymphedema – and his stay in Cuba, where he should be treated in principle.

The text read by the former president is in line with its central axis of defense, which aims to place all investigations and cases as part of a political, legal and median operation. But this time he does it with a dramatic turn that explains the situation in Florence to a "cruel" persecution and that ends by asking "touch" with her but not with her daughter. The effect, regardless of their leader or their followers, was the generation of a madman of versions – outside even those expected in the most toxic social network – that the hypothesis of non-election competition added boiling speculation about an "exile."

The point, in addition to such reflections, is that two paintings are exhibited: Florencia Kirchner's personal situation – beginning with her state of health, a little known – and the fact that the former president produced. The latter is in sight: The fact that is produced is political, which is why it is added – or breaks? – A strategy that came to register its first sensitive change with the lost investment in Neuquén.

In general, the former president had decided to keep his low profile scarcely abandoned in his summons to courts, but to combine it with an intense agenda in his offices and with gestures and statements from some of his guests who are not new to folklore politically-generated doubts about CFC 2019.

The expansion of the list of visiting leaders – with some significant returns – was promoted as a symptom of confirmation of their leadership and, while symptoms of a political position of moderation and even more or less self-critical reflection. The approach of Felipe Solá and the return of Alberto Fernández added that goal. Others, however, were weighted by contributions from the structure of the national dispute, such as Hugo Moyano, even though it was in combat and not by the image.

It was a consistent strategy. Another example: Axel Kicillof was particularly cautious about receiving IMF representatives, a month ago, with a serious face and measured message: talked about an inevitable renegotiation of the agreement signed by the government but avoided signs of rupture.

There are notes that each time collide with that score, but not surprisingly. Do they say what could not be said? At the moment they are accompanied by silence and some anger reserved for the move. Such is the case Roberto Feletti, who raised the idea – temporarily, he said – about the exchange rate trap when returning to the government. And the adherent Francisco Paco Durañona, who warned against the goal of collaborating with the Supreme Court to secure his media and justice plans himself.

Less clearly, Kirchner's efforts in the inner armed, by explicit indication of the former president, are set: The idea, which was materialized in several districts, was to agree with the PJ governors to smoothly re-elect in exchange for their own legislative weight. An award for several provincial heads as advanced local elections and submitted questions to the national competition.

However, the effect of these steps did not really turn against the situation. The former president would not substantially change his projection in the investigations – though but also resistant ceiling – despite the government's enormous erosion. And also, Roberto Lavagna's potential candidacy would have revived expectations in Federal PJ -Always with internal discomfort because the former minister was rejected to the primaries – when the signing of many in the Patria Institute seemed inevitable.

In the circle closest to the former president – and not necessarily as a connection with cause and consequence – the idea of ​​playing strong in Neuquén grew to give a double blow: launch the presidential project and show a successful outcome of the Peronist unit hegemonized by Kirchnerism.

The performance of Ramón Rioseco already generated a national impact: the forecast for a tight fight with Omar Gutiérrez appreciated Kirchnerism and caused concern in the macro path to third place, besides concerns in the business areas. With the hope of getting up, the former president decided to accept the idea of ​​a photo with the candidate and recorded a support message.

The influence of the case on the Neuquén governor was an inevitable echo of the betting. The launch of the CFK 2019 campaign could not be celebrated. And at the level involved, The second fact was that Kirchner Peronism withdrew from 2015. With a supplement: Peronism was split up in 2017 and the result a week ago shows that the sum in politics is not mathematical: it was a global loss of more than ten points. In part, they would have migrated to Gutiérrez, which would have happened also and to a greater extent with a wealth of voters from Cambiemos. A separate question for the selection laboratory.

If the Neuquén case showed a change in the original plan measured by the former president, attempted to accumulate politically and moderately publicly, the video at Florencia Kirchner would show a profound role in the front of justice. It is not the only data from today's offensive against the causes of corruption, but it reveals without the place it occupies in its political and personal scale lapses.

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